• The NRA Has Spent Decades Warning About Police Crackdowns. Now It’s Utterly Silent.

    Richard Tsong-Taata/Star Tribune via AP

    In many ways, the past couple of weeks have been exactly what the National Rifle Association has for years warned its members about: A mass mobilization of militarized police and unknown federal agents in cities across the country to shut down largely peaceful mass demonstrations of people exercising their constitutional rights—and doing so with force. In Washington, DC, for example, the President of the United States had law enforcement fire tear gas and rubber bullets at peaceful protesters for a photo op. In Buffalo, police in riot gear shoved an unarmed 75-year-old man to the ground, sending him to the hospital bleeding from the ears. In Minneapolis, where the protests started after a white police officer killed 46-year-old George Floyd on May 25, there have too many instances to count of police violently attacking peaceful protesters—and slashing people’s tires

    Surely these actions by law enforcement officers are what NRA head Wayne LaPierre warned about when he wrote in a 1995 fundraising letter that a recently signed assault weapons ban would give “jack-booted government thugs more power to take away our constitutional rights, break in our doors, destroy our property, and even injure or kill us,” right? After all, that was the NRA’s biggest fear during the Obama administration, when the group turned the former president into a liberal bogeyman, incessantly fundraising on the notion that his administration would ban all firearms. And even before that, the group capitalized off of the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, making misleading claims that the New Orleans mayor had declared martial law and that police were disarming law-abiding gun owners to help crack down on looters. So surely the nation’s oldest gun rights organization, which has a sordid history of stoking fear among its base that Big Government is going to come and take away rights, would have a lot to say about these current instances of police crackdowns on peaceful protesters, right?

    But at a moment that seems ripe for the NRA to push government fears to highlight its agenda, the organization has been utterly silent. Since May 25, the day that Floyd was killed by Derek Chauvin, the NRA’s main Twitter account has tweeted about 30 times, though not a single tweet has specifically mentioned Floyd’s murder, the subsequent nationwide protests, nor the law enforcement response. At best, the group has tweeted vague messages about its commitment to the Second Amendment, writing on June 1 that “a well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.” Mostly, the organization’s Twitter feed has been filled with attacks on Joe Biden, the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, attacks on gun control groups, and celebration over the surge of gun sales in the past few months. On the website of the group’s lobbying arm, where it frequently posts its own op-eds and aggregated news articles about its activities, there similarly has been no mention of the nationwide protests over the past two weeks. 

    It’s a stark contrast to the NRA’s messaging in the months before Floyd’s death, when the group was firing on all cylinders to stoke fear and panic in order to drive up gun sales. As I reported in May, on social media, in videos, and in blog posts, the organization had repeatedly pushed out alarmist messages suggesting that people should be buying firearms because the pandemic would lead to a societal breakdown. In one video from March, a disabled Black woman holds an AR-15-style weapon while explaining the importance of a having a gun. “I know from history how quickly society breaks down during a crisis,” she says as the video is interspersed with footage of looting, “and we’ve never faced anything like this before, and never is a Second Amendment more important than during public unrest.” And as armed demonstrators began protesting stay-at-home orders at state capitols around the country in April and May, the NRA—in both public messaging and in statements by members of its 76-person board of directors—encouraged them.

    But when it comes to the demonstrations over police brutality and systemic racism that have rocked the country in the past week, the NRA doesn’t have anything to say—largely because it doesn’t fit with its political agenda as a close ally of President Trump. Because of the pandemic and the recent wave of demonstrations, Trump’s support is waning, and he’s doing everything he can to reclaim control, calling peaceful protesters “terrorists” (whereas he tweeted support for the armed protesters who stormed the Michigan statehouse in April) and calling on state governors to “dominate” them. For Trump, his way of “dominating” protesters isn’t unlike what LaPierre’s warned NRA members about in that 1995 fundraising letter, when he worried about how President Bill Clinton would enforce the assault weapons ban. “Not too long ago, it was unthinkable for federal agents wearing Nazi bucket helmets and black storm trooper uniforms to attack law-abiding citizens,” LaPierre wrote. “In Clinton’s administration, if you have a badge, you have the government’s go-ahead to harass, intimidate, even murder law-abiding citizens.”

  • Seattle City Council President: “We Need to Radically Reimagine” Policing

    A protestor holds a placard calling to defund police A woman holds a placard calling for the abolition of police during a June 1, 2020 demonstration in Seattle. (Toby Scott/SOPA Images via ZUMA)

    On Sunday, when a veto-proof majority on its city council pledged to disband the city’s police department, Minneapolis made American history.

    Tomorrow, Seattle might follow suit.

    Council members have so far talked about defunding Seattle’s troubled police department by up to 50 percent. But today, Seattle City Council President Lorena González told me that she’ll “see if we can get a veto-proof proposal to follow the lead of the Minneapolis City Council”—meaning tomorrow afternoon, when the council’s budget committee is set to meet.

    Seattle has seen some of the most striking and extensive instances of police violence captured on video in the last week, and three of nine city council members have demanded Mayor Jenny Durkan’s resignation, including budget committee head Teresa Mosqueda.

    Durkan also faces calls to resign from Washington’s biggest private-sector union, at least a third of her city council, and a long list of top Democrats across the state. An open letter calling on the mayor to step down over her handling of the protests has been signed by more than 14,000 members of the public, almost all identifying as Seattle residents.

    Like eight of nine council members, Durkan is a Democrat. She’s also a former federal prosecutor, notorious among activists for hiring a five-time-convicted rapist and child molester to infiltrate community organizers’ barbecues. (“It’s not the saints who can bring us the sinners,” Durkan said at the time.) Her resistance to police reform, let alone defunding, hasn’t won her any praise from critics; under Durkan, the city filed to end a federal consent decree reforming its police department, a filing she now says she’ll withdraw.

    In the last two weeks, as social media has become a firehose of police violence footage, the Seattle Police Department has been responsible for some of the most striking attacks yet, including allegedly pepper spraying a small child in the face:

    Including guarding an armed man who allegedly drove his car into a protest for George Floyd and shot a 26-year-old Black protester who tried to disarm him:

    And including tear-gassing Seattle’s Capitol Hill neighborhood so thoroughly that it allegedly filled nearby apartments, sickening a man’s three-month-old child, in defiance of the citywide “pause” on gas:

    That 30-day “pause” on tear gas—actually ordered by Durkan’s police chief, not Durkan herself—took less than 48 hours for Seattle police to defy. The chief, Carmen Best, was apparently allowed to call for exceptions, and did it so promptly that there was effectively no “pause” at all.

    (Monday’s rally in Seattle’s Capitol Hill neighborhood was the city’s first without credible reports of violence; it was also the first without police present.)

    Now, Durkan finds herself in the same bind as Minneapolis mayor Jacob Frey: her city council has gotten out ahead of her. Frey was jeered out of a rally when he wouldn’t commit to defunding Minneapolis’s infamous police, as captured in a headline-grabbing video; at the same rally, his city council quickly delivered a veto-proof majority committed to disbanding their police.

    González says there’s “overwhelming” support for defunding among her colleagues. “Whether or not there’s enough appetite to go the step further and dismantle is still unclear to me,” she says. “But I will be taking seriously the charge of making the case, both publicly and to my colleagues, as to why we need to radically reimagine how we deliver public safety to the people of Seattle.”

    Socialist Alternative council member Kshama Sawant has said she’ll bring articles of impeachment against Durkan, an unprecedented but relatively easy step in Seattle: the mayor gets five days’ warning before a hearing where six of nine council members must vote to impeach. The grounds: “any willful violation of duty, or for the commission of an offense involving moral turpitude.” Those six votes might not be out of reach for Sawant, who has fellow councilors Mosqueda and Tammy Morales on her side and two more seemingly on the fence.

    González was more wary of impeaching Durkan, arguing that the evidence isn’t yet there. “Impeachment is a serious process to undergo, and we have to ensure that it would be successful and that the record is clear,” she says. “If the evidence becomes available, or we become aware of it, I think we would have to have a conversation about moving forward with impeachment.”

    As in Minneapolis, a public commitment to defunding police is coming from councilors who previously believed in reform. González, a former civil rights attorney, says she was long a reformer—but by deploying “massive amounts of excessive force in demonstrations about excessive force,” Seattle’s police didn’t help their case.

    A veto-proof vote to disband would be a bitter rebuke to Durkan, whose last veto was met with an override, and who threatened but didn’t follow through with a veto on Sawant’s recent bill to ban most evictions in winter. It would also free up Seattle PD’s budget of more than $400 million—almost a third of Seattle’s general fund, according to local non-profit news outlet Crosscut. And if Minneapolis isn’t a one-off, the message to mayors will be clear: time to catch up.

  • Mississippi Is Finally Taking Real Steps to Change Its Racist State Flag

    Hundreds of protesters stand in silence for almost nine minutes in response to the recent death of George Floyd in police custody, Saturday, June 6, 2020, in Jackson, Miss.Rogelio V. Solis/AP

    There’s no doubt that the anti-racism protests sparked by George Floyd’s killing have been powerful, and now the movement may finally pry the Mississippi state flag—the last of its kind to still bear Confederate symbolism—from the strong stubborn hands of conservative lawmakers who have long defended its existence. 

    Mississippi Today is reporting that a bipartisan effort is brewing in the legislature to adopt a new design, known as the Stennis flag, in place of the current one, which has been in place since 1894. The lawmakers have the blessing of House Speaker Philip Gunn, a Republican who spoke up in support of changing the flag in 2015, after a white supremacist murdered nine congregants at a Black church in Charleston—a horrific event that reignited an effort to do away with symbols that glorify this country’s Confederate past. 

    Though bills are filed annually in the state House and Senate to change the flag, they tend to die out in committee. But now, there’s momentum; this brewing resolution represents the first substantive step toward that effort since 2001, when Mississippians voted 2-1 to keep the current flag in a state referendum.

    As Mississippi Today reports:

    Suspending the rules to consider the change would require a two-thirds of the current House members (80 out of 120 current members). Gunn told the lawmakers he would ensure the resolution passed through House committee if the lawmakers could secure verbal support from around 30 Republican members this week.

    Adding the potential Republican commitments to the 45 votes of the Democratic caucus, the House would be within eyeshot of solidifying a two-thirds, veto-proof majority to change the flag.

    After the meeting with Gunn, several lawmakers began calling their colleagues and whipping votes on Monday afternoon, though some expressed doubt they could find 30 solid commitments from Republicans.

    If the House were to pass the resolution to change the flag, it would move to the Senate for consideration. Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, who presides over the Senate, said during his campaign last year that voters, not the Legislature, should decide the fate of the state flag.

    But several state senators told Mississippi Today this week that they believe Hosemann, a moderate who has maintained close working relationships with leaders of the Legislative Black Caucus, could be open to the idea of legislative action, particularly during this moment of protest across Mississippi and America.

    The bill would still need to get the final approval of Gov. Tate Reeves, who, Mississippi Today explains, “sidestepped several questions about his personal views on the state flag during a press conference. Reeves did say, however, that he believes Mississippians, not lawmakers, should decide the issue at the ballot.”

    This new movement follows massive protests last weekend against police brutality and racial inequality across the state, from Jackson to Hattiesburg to Tupelo to Starkville. Democrat Mike Espy, who will challenge Republican Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith again this year, attended the Jackson protest, which was at least  3,000 strong. Small towns in the state also participated in the protests.

    Meanwhile, the state’s neighbor to the north, Tennessee, is doing its best legislative maneuvering to take steps in the opposite direction and protect a bust of Nathan Bedford Forrest, a Confederate general, slave trader, and first Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. I’ve written about my home state’s unwillingness to let go of Forrest’s likeness and his name before. One step forward, a Tennessee waltz back. 

  • Now They’re Toppling Racist Statues Overseas

    The movement to take down racist statues has gone international. Over the weekend, protesters in Bristol, England, toppled a statue of slave trader Edward Colston and tossed it into a nearby harbor. 

    Colston made his fortune rising to the highest ranks of the Royal African Company, which enslaved an estimated 84,000 African people throughout the 17th and 18th centuries. He later became a philanthropist in his hometown of Bristol. The statue honoring him stood from 1895 until last week. 

    The removal of the statue came as a long-awaited relief to demonstrators, some of whom had campaigned for years to tell the full truth of Colston’s history. 

    In an interview with the BBC, Bristol Mayor Marvin Rees said that he would have preferred the statue to have been taken down through a formal political process, but also acknowledged the particular bind he was in, as the city’s first Black mayor, to lead such an effort. 

    “The irony of politics and race is that perhaps Black politicians do not have the same freedoms to talk about race in the same way as white politicians,” Rees said. 

    Not everyone was pleased with the statue’s removal. British Prime Minister Boris Johnson called it a “criminal act,” and some men were seen trying to fish the statue out of the water. 

    Protesters in Brussels, meanwhile, surrounded a statue of King Leopold II, chanting “murderer” and waving the flag of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Leopold oversaw a genocide of between one and 15 million Congolese people during his colonial rule in the 19th century. The Leopold statue in Brussels is still standing—for now. 

    These latest incidents join the wave of people dismantling symbols of racism mostly in the US. Over the weekend, a slave auction block was removed from a public square in Virginia, a Confederate statue was taken down in Kentucky, and the US Marine Corps banned displays of the Confederate flag from all its bases.   

    A full list of all the racist symbols that have been burned, occupied, or brought down in protests can be found here

     

  • A Local Police Organization Offers to Hire Cops Called Out for Abuse

    Cops banded together last week to stand up for their right to use force whenever they deem necessary. After the suspension of two Buffalo police officers who pushed an unarmed senior citizen last week, 57 fellow officers resigned from the riot squad in protest. Could it be more obvious that some cops are more dedicated to each other than they are the communities they’re sworn to protect? Turns out, yes.

    In a now-deleted Facebook post, the Brevard County Fraternal Order of Police offered jobs to those who resigned from the Buffalo PD’s Emergency Response Team, touting lower taxes in Florida and “no spineless leadership, or dumb mayors rambling on at press conferences.” (The offer was also extended to the Atlanta officers who were caught on tape brutalizing two Black college students as they left a protest in late May.)

    The Fraternal Order of Police, a national law enforcement organization with 2,000-plus local chapters representing more than 300,000 officers, has long been criticized for thwarting police reform efforts.

    But apparently recruiting officers defending abuse was a step too far. On Monday, Bert Gamin, the Brevard County FOP’s president, issued an apology, explaining “that my post was insensitive and wrong and that it did not convey the actual thought that I was trying to communicate.”

    “I let my emotions and frustration get the better of me as a result of all the continually negative media portrayals of law enforcement,” he wrote. “My intent was to respond to some of the negative messaging and offer a supportive message to all the men and women in law enforcement. Clearly, I failed doing so.”

    Clearly.

    But as a representative of the media, I feel it’s only fair to address Gamin’s concerns. I am sorry that our coverage of law enforcement brutally attacking civilians has upset him. Our intent was to hold public servants accountable for doing things like slashing tires at protests and gassing protestors. If it helps, the night before the Buffalo PD knocked down a 75-year-old man at the same spot near City Hall, press posted a photo of officers kneeling.

  • Alt-Right Trolls Are Trying to Sabotage Black Lives Matter Chatrooms

    Protesters in Minneapolis chant while facing riot police.AP Image

    As mass protests against police brutality and racial injustice continue across the country, 4chan, a notorious alt-right troll hub online, is trying to meddle in protesters’ online operations.

    On Sunday night, users of 4chan made several highly trafficked posts with links to dozens of Black Lives Matter channels on Telegram, a privacy-oriented, encrypted messaging app that has been used for organizing protests across the country. Users on 4chan encouraged others to post disinformation in the groups, find “incriminating” information that they can pass to law enforcement, and trawl the channels for as much personal, identifying, and organizational information as they can about people in the groups.

    Some have already posted the phone numbers of volunteers organizing food and water for protesters, and phone numbers for jail support for arrested protesters. The 4chan posts didn’t include instructions for what to do with the numbers, but based on 4channer’s normal behavior, it’s possible that the implication is to harass the person on the other end of the line. In some cases, users in the threads are also doxxing what they believe to be “Antifa safehouses” by posting addresses of these homes.

    The central focus on the 4chan posts so far, though, hasn’t been to impede the current protests, but rather to compile doxxing information on the activists behind the protests. “BE STEALTHY DONT TROLL, RIGHT NOW THE MOST VALUABLE THING WE CAN GET IS INFO,” one user posted.

    “A lot of these retards have identifying info on their telegram profiles, instagram, personal website, real name, phone number, etc. get that,” another wrote, urging other 4channers to store what they found on internet archive sites like Archive.is and Pastebin (links on Pastebin aren’t accessible, suggesting that the site may have taken moderation action). Others encouraged people to share their findings with “trustworthy public sources” and “right wing journalists.”

    It’s unclear to what extent 4chan posters have followed through on their plans, and if the threads have led to any offline harassment. Many of the Black Lives Matter channels don’t let anyone without authorization post. And administrators of some of the channels seem to be aware of the people trying to infiltrate. One of the larger protest Telegram channels, The BLM Revolution of 2020 with roughly 8,740 subscribers, posted an open letter to “to the fascist how are watching this channel,” on Sunday night. “I’m going to be honest with you all, the path that you have picked is only going to bring more suffering, and solidify the system that you’ve set out to fight against. Your fight is going to end up with more people in your situation. Lost, lonely, and unsure where to go,” the person behind the Telegram channel wrote, encouraging right-wingers to reach out if they wanted to anonymously talk.

    4channers aren’t the only group monitoring Black Lives Matter Telegram channels. Extremist groups that label themselves as various brands of fascists and white supremacists have compiled lists of Black Lives Matter channels on their own Telegram channels, and frequently repost content from BLM organizers on their pages.

    White supremacists and far-right extremists on Telegram have been a recurring problem that the platform has been unwilling to handle. The encrypted messaging service took action against public ISIS channels, but has been unwilling to do the same with far-right extremists, leaving up channels that compile lists of Jewish people, and others that encourage white supremacist violence.

  • Joe Biden Doesn’t Want to Defund the Police

    Joe Biden, the presumptive Democratic nominee for president, made clear today in a statement that he would not support defunding the police. He did say there is an “urgent need for reform,” and he advocated for body-worn cameras and further diversification of the police force. The former vice president, according to the New York Times, is traveling today to Houston for the funeral of George Floyd.

    This isn’t surprising news, exactly. Biden is a moderate. But it’s remarkable that he had to clarify his position at all. The Minneapolis City Council announced on Sunday it was disbanding the police to invest in community programs. Other municipalities are considering similar action. A world without cops, as our own Madison Pauly wrote about, is not only imaginable but increasingly something activists are putting on concrete lists of demands. Who would’ve thought a few weeks ago that Biden would have to specify that he supports keeping the cops around?

  • A Majority of Minneapolis Councilmembers Vowed to Dismantle the City’s Police Department

    A large crowd gathered for a community meeting in Powderhorn Park in Minneapolis on Sunday.Julia Lurie/Mother Jones

    At a community rally at Powderhorn Park this afternoon, 9 of Minneapolis’ 12 city councilmembers showed up and pledged to dismantle the city’s police department, marking a significant shift toward overhauling a force that’s under intense scrutiny following the killing of George Floyd on May 25. Mother Jones reporter Julia Lurie was there:

    Since Floyd’s death, calls for defunding and downsizing police agencies as a way to curtail police brutality and the overpolicing of communities of color have spread. The intent signaled by the veto-proof majority of Minneapolis lawmakers will be a significant test of how a city can overhaul its police department. Within the last week, Minneapolis Public Schools, the University of Minnesota, and the Minneapolis Park Service broke ties with the city police department, which is being investigated by the state’s Department of Human Rights to determine whether its current protocols amount “to unlawful race-based policing, which deprives people of color, particularly Black community members, of their civil rights.” 

    City Council President Lisa Bender tweeted on June 4 that the city would work to replace the department with a “transformative new model of public safety.” In a statement to the Appeal, which first reported the move, Bender noted that the city’s “efforts at incremental reform have failed.” In Minneapolis and elsewhere in the United States, Bender wrote, “it is clear that our existing system of policing and public safety isn’t working for so many of our neighbors.”

    On Saturday, Mayor Jacob Frey faced was rebuked by demonstrators after he rejected calls to abolishi the police department and instead proposed reforming it.

    It’s unclear what dismantling the Minneapolis police department will look like going forward. Steve Fletcher, a City Council member in Minneapolis’ Third Ward, wrote in an op-ed for Time that he among others supported an effort to “disband our police department and start fresh with a community-oriented, non-violent public safety and outreach capacity.” “Our city needs a public safety capacity that doesn’t fear our residents,” Fletcher wrote. “That doesn’t need a gun at a community meeting. That considers itself part of our community. That doesn’t resort quickly to pepper spray when people are understandably angry. That doesn’t murder black people.”

  • Barr Defends Firing Pepperballs at Peaceful Protesters Before Trump Photo Op

    Jose Luis Magana/Getty

    Attorney General Bill Barr today tried to downplay the use of chemical irritants on protesters in Washington, DC, last week by insisting they weren’t, well, chemical irritants. 

    Appearing on CBS’s Face the Nation, Barr was asked whether he thought it was appropriate for Park Police to fire pepperballs, smoke bombs, and other projectiles at peaceful protesters at Lafayette Square Park before President Trump posed with a bible in a photo op outside of St. John’s Episcopal Church. Barr denied that the protesters were peaceful, calling that one of the “big lies that the media seems to be perpetuating.” Moderator Margaret Brennan told Barr that three of her colleagues who were at the protest had not seen protesters acting violently.

    Barr told Brennan that he approved a plan on Monday afternoon to “increase the perimeter” at Lafayette Park and “push it out one block.” He added that he did not know the president would speak from the Rose Garden that day so his approval of National Park police clearing the park before Trump made his way to the church had, in his eyes, nothing to do with the photo op. Then, Barr insisted that no chemical irritants were fired in the clash between protesters and park police, whether it was pepper spray or pepperballs.

    Apparently, Barr wasn’t familiar with the Department of Justice inspector general’s description of pepper spray and pepperballs as “chemical agents.” Or that pepper spray is made with capsaicin, the same chemical irritant found in chiles; pepperballs contain a synthetic form of capsaicin.

    Barr’s attempts to cloud the issue were the latest by the Trump administration to turn its handling of last Monday’s presidential stunt into a semantic game. As my colleague Daniel Moattar wrote:

    You’ll be happy to hear the Trump campaign has contacted us in a snit. They say the Park Police did not use tear gas—they simply used “smoke canisters and pepper balls.”

    Here are the facts: Park Police used tear gas to clear out peaceful protesters so that Donald Trump could fumble a Bible in a lame photo op that disgusted everyone, including the actual clergy of St. John’s—and Pat Robertson. The lying press reported what they saw: that the tear-causing gas was, in fact, tear gas.

    “Tear gas,” an umbrella term for about a half-dozen so-called “riot-control agents” or “less lethal” chemical weapons, most often refers to CS gas, a powerful irritant devised by two Middlebury College researchers in the 1920s.

    But it can also refer to OC, or oleoresin capsicum, an ultra-concentrated form of the compound in hot peppers mixed with carriers that make it stick to your skin and lungs more easily. Both cause tears, and both, in quantity, do a permanent number on lungs and nerves.

    The distinction only matters if you’re treating medical damage or covering your ass; the Centers for Disease Control calls every such chemical “tear gas,” including CS, OC, and others. But for police, “pepper balls”—dense projectiles containing OC, which the Park Police insist they used—are very convenient. They can be fired again and again from a gun. They hurt. (In fact, they hurt worse than CS gas.)

    And, funny enough, the company that makes pepperballs calls it “the most effective chemical irritant available.” 

  • Attorney General Barr Says the Law Enforcement System Is Not Racist

    Evan Vucci/AP

    On CBS’s Face the Nation on Sunday, Attorney General William Barr acknowledged that though racism exists, he doesn’t think the criminal justice system that disproportionately arrests, imprisons, and kills Black people is racist. “I think there’s racism in the United States still but I don’t think that the law enforcement system is systemically racist,” he said. Barr continued, “I think we have to recognize that for most of our history, our institutions were explicitly racist.” But in the past half century, he said, “we’ve been in a phase of reforming our institutions and making sure that they’re in sync with our laws.”  

    Barr was echoing the well-worn refrain that police brutality is the result not of systemic racism but rather of the actions of a few bad cops who give law enforcement a bad name. Last week, on CNN’s State of the Union, national security adviser Robert O’Brien told Jake Tapper that he didn’t think there was systemic racism and that “99.9 percent of our law enforcement officers are great Americans,” noting that many are Black and Latinx. Barr cited the US military as an example of racial progress. Once a “explicitly racist institution,” the military is now “in the vanguard of bringing the races together and providing equal opportunity,” Barr told CBS’s Margaret Brennan. “I think law enforcement has been going through the same process.” 

    These arguments conflate racial diversity with the end of disparate outcomes that reflect systemic racism. And Barr’s claim that institutional racism is something of the past provides cover for overlooking the many examples of how police treat African Americans differently. In Ferguson, Missouri, where Mike Brown was killed by a white police officer in 2014, 95 percent of those who were arrested for jaywalking were Black, even as they represented just 67 of the city’s population. Or in Baltimore, where the Justice Department found in August 2016, that “racially disparate impact is present at every stage of [Baltimore Police Department’s] enforcement actions, from the initial decision to stop individuals on Baltimore streets to searches, arrests, and uses of force.” Or in Minneapolis, where George Floyd was killed, Black people account for 20 percent of the city’s population but 60 percent of those beaten by police.

    Barr’s insistence that police departments are being reformed is belied by the Justice Department’s own policies. When President Trump installed former Alabama Sen. Jeff Sessions as attorney general in 2017, work on consent federal decrees meant to reform problematic police departments halted. Sessions argued against an April 2017 consent decree in Baltimore and warned that “some provisions of this decree will reduce the lawful powers of the police department and result in a less safe city.”

    As my colleague Pema Levy explained, one of Sessions’ final acts as attorney general upended federal oversight of local police departments with poor civil rights records:

    When Trump finally fired Sessions in November 2018, the outgoing attorney general had one final trick up his sleeve. Before leaving the Justice Department, he quietly signed a memorandum in one of his last official acts all but ending the department’s oversight of police departments. The memorandum made the Trump administration’s de facto policy against new consent decrees official, while extending the same hands-off policy to other areas of federal enforcement involving state responsibilities in areas like pollution and voting rights. Experts predicted that even departments already under current federal oversight might once again act with impunity because the memo undercut the authority of civil rights attorneys to enforce them. Sessions’ memo set policy, but it also sent a message to police departments that they would no longer have to answer to the federal government—not even when when officer shootings draw national attention.

    This message was sent not just in the order to pare back enforcement, but in the states’ rights language framing the 7-page document that has historically signaled support for state repression over the rights of black people. “Sessions’ memo also takes pains to emphasize that states are ‘sovereign’ with ‘special and protected roles’ and that, when investigating them, the Justice Department must afford states the ‘respect and comity deserving of a separate sovereign,’” Christy Lopez, who oversaw investigations by the department into local police agencies during the Obama administration, wrote at the time the memo was issued. “In his view, the Justice Department should be more concerned about protecting states from the burden of abiding by federal law than about protecting individuals from being hurt or killed by the state.”

    On Sunday, Barr doubled down on the narrative that police brutality is the result of a few bad apples. When asked about whether qualified immunity, the legal doctrine that protects officers from civil lawsuits, should be tweaked, Barr told Brennan that reduced immunity would result in “police pulling back”—a callback to the concerns that Sessions raised in Baltimore. “There are instances of bad cops,” Barr said. “And I think we have to be careful about automatically assuming that the actions of an individual necessarily mean that their organization is rotten.” 

  • Trump Pulls Out National Guard After Thousands Protest in Washington, DC

    Protesters next to a National Guard Humvee in Washington, DC, last week. Samuel Corum/Getty

    This morning, as protesters were expected to hit the streets of the nation’s capital for a 10th day of demonstrations against racist police violence, President Donald Trump tweeted that he would withdraw the National Guard from Washington, DC, asserting that “everything is under perfect control.”

    Trump, who has always been obsessed by crowd size (and false claims about them), insisted that “far fewer protesters showed up” than anticipated. It’s unclear how many people he thought would show up to in the city and in the newly-renamed Black Lives Matter Plaza a few blocks from the White House.

    The Washington Post reported that more than 10,000 people marched in Washington, DC, on Saturday. As my colleague Will Peischel reported, the peaceful demonstration felt less like the riots condemned by Trump and more like a summer block party.

    Trump’s decision earlier last week to dispatch the National Guard and unidentified law enforcement personnel to contain largely peaceful protests marked an escalation in force as demonstrations unfolded across the country in response to the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. More than 5,000 National Guard troops were called in, including soldiers from DC and 11 states. On Friday, Mayor Muriel Bowser asked the president to remove all “military presence from our city.”

    She also asked the president to withdraw “extraordinary federal law enforcement,” noting that the presence of “unidentified federal personnel patrolling the streets of Washington, DC pose both safety and national security risks.” Trump has not said whether he would withdraw the unidentified officers that Mother Jones reporter Dan Friedman spotted on the streets last week, and who were still out in force yesterday.

  • Videos Show Cops Slashing Car Tires at Protests in Minneapolis

    Update, 6/8/20: The Star Tribune has identified the officers puncturing tires as state troopers and deputies from the Anoka County Sheriff’s Office. The officers strategically deflated the tires to “stop behaviors such as vehicles driving dangerously and at high speeds in and around protesters and law enforcement,” said Minnesota Department of Public Safety spokesperson Bruce Gordon. The troopers reportedly targeted cars that “contained items used to cause harm during violent protests” such as rocks and concrete. The Anoka County Sheriff’s Lt. Andy Knotz said deputies were following directions from the state-led Multiagency Command Center.

    After long nights of tear gas and rubber bullets, some protesters, news crews, and medics in Minneapolis last weekend found themselves stranded: The tires of their cars had been slashed. 

    In a city upended by protests about police brutality after the death of George Floyd, many assumed protesters were to blame. But videos reveal a different culprit: the police. 

    In the videos, officers puncture tires in a K-Mart parking lot on May 30 and a highway overpass on May 31. Both areas briefly turned into police staging grounds near protest hot spots.

    The officers appear to be state troopers or county police, though it’s not clear from the videos. Neither the Minnesota State Patrol nor the Hennepin County Sheriff’s Office responded to requests from Mother Jones. The Minneapolis Police Department and Minnesota National Guard denied involvement. 

    The gray car in the video above was the rental car of Luke Mogelson, a New Yorker writer who typically covers war zones and is now stationed in Minneapolis to write about the protests. As the protest on Sunday evening turned hairy, with law enforcement tear-gassing peaceful groups soon after curfew, Mogelson went to check on his car, showing his press pass to officers along the way. (Media were exempt from the curfew.) One officer took a picture of his press pass and said he would “radio it up the chain so everyone knew that car belonged to the press,” said Mogelson. When he came back later that evening to retrieve his car, officers informed him that the tires were punctured. “They were laughing,” Mogelson recalled. “They had grins on their faces.”

    Mogelson was among many journalists who came back to flat tires after the protests. 

    “We’re so busy, it’s just unbelievable,” said a tow truck driver in an interview from the K-Mart parking lot with Andrew Kimmel, formerly the head of BuzzFeed’s video team. The towing company had received “call after call after call.” Asked whose cars were being towed, the tow truck driver said, “Everybody. Medics over there. News crews. Random people that were just here to protest and—tires slashed.”

  • Massive Crowds Protest Police Violence

    Hundreds of people take part in a protest at the Martin Luther King Memorial in Washington, DC, on June 4, 2020. Rod Lamkey Jr./Sipa via AP Images

    For more than a week, Americans have been in the streets to protest the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery and show no sign of slowing down. Saturday has seen massive demonstrations against police brutality and systemic racism, constant conditions facing Black Americans to which these recent killings have drawn renewed attention and outrage. The size of these crowds are all the more noteworthy since, in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic, gatherings of this size are still discouraged.

    Mother Jones has reporters covering some of the protests across the country. Follow along for updates.

    5:50 p.m. ET: A stunning shot of the crowds in Philadelphia.

    4:30 p.m. ET: Last week, our reporter Dan Friedman broke news when he noticed that federal officers standing watch over the protests bore no identifying insignia and, when asked, would not clearly identify which agency they work for. Today, Friedman is back out there asking the officers which agency they’re with. Again, the answers run the gamut.

    3:45 p.m. ET: Doctors have been on the front lines fighting the coronavirus pandemic, and many of them have been alive to the vast racial disparities in who gets and dies from the disease. In Washington, DC, reporters Matt Cohen and Dan Friedman captured a scene that’s become familiar in cities across the country: Doctors, wearing their white coats, protesting on behalf of Black lives.

    3:00 p.m. ET: There are more than 10 officially announced Black Lives Matter–affiliated protests in DC today, and many of them have been making their way toward the White House. Our reporter Will Peischel is following a crowd of thousands walking from the National Mall to the White House, and another that came down Constitution Avenue.

    2:00 p.m. ET: As demonstrators in Philadelphia make their way from the Museum of Art to City Hall, our reporter Dan Spinelli has captured exchanges between those marching and the police overseeing the protests. On Monday, Philadelphia police used tear gas to break up a protest on a major highway, and those in the streets today are chiding officers for the incident—tying it back to the actions of police brutality that led them to march in the first place.

    1:45 p.m. ET: As our reporter Will Peischel wrote on Friday, protesters had rapidly spun up intricate supply chains to ensure those who attended demonstrations had access to food and water throughout the day—as well as face masks and disinfecting cloths. (We’re still in a pandemic, after all!) Those hydration and sanitation stations were still going strong when our reporter Matt Cohen spotted them this afternoon.

    12:45 p.m. ET: Our reporter Dan Spinelli noticed that the crowds gathered outside the Philadelphia Museum of Art didn’t have much to say about President Trump, but instead directed much of their ire toward former vice president Joe Biden, who as of last night is officially the Democratic presidential nominee. As reporter Kara Voght wrote on Friday, Biden had not done much to align himself with the Movement for Black Lives during the primary, and his work on the 1994 crime bill—which ushered in an era of mass incarceration and heavy policing—has been a source of criticism.

    12:30 p.m. ET: At the newly minted Black Lives Matter Plaza—the intersection of 16th and H streets in downtown Washington, DC, and one block from the White House, where protesters have gathered over the last week—demonstrators gather to say the names of victims of police violence.

    Our reporter Matt Cohen spotted Rodney Hall, a National Guard member assigned to watch over the crowds, filming the action. He said he wanted to capture the historic moment, even while he was on the job.

  • A Rose That Grew From Concrete: Protesters Leave Flowers to Commemorate Those Who’ve Died at the Hands of Police

    Memorial at the steps of Los Angeles' Hall of Justice Fernanda Echavarri / Mother Jones

    Thousands of flowers covered the sidewalk outside Los Angeles’ Hall of Justice on Friday to represent the lives lost at the hands of law enforcement. The vigil, organized by Justice LA, honored those who have been killed by police, died in jail, died from COVID-19 while in custody, and for the 12,000 people “caged in Los Angeles jails.”  

    Under a cloudy sky, hundreds of people brought flowers and placed them on the sidewalk, mostly in silence. Down the street a peaceful Black Lives Matter protest had been going on for a few hours, but the memorial was somber: no chants, no music. People hugged and held each other. Some stood quietly, others wept. 

    Tauheedah Shakur
    Fernanda Echavarri / Mother Jones

    Tauheedah Shakur, 24, brought a bouquet of roses. As she laid them down on the sidewalk, she “wished we didn’t have to gather to mourn another life lost.” Shakur has been a criminal justice organizer in Los Angeles for more than a decade and has “never seen anything this beautiful,” she says. “With people from all over walks of life and from different backgrounds, coming together” something feels different.

    “I’m here because I have a brother and being afraid for his life is traumatizing,” Shakur says. “I’m here because I have fight in my blood. I’m here to hold the police accountable at all times. I’m here because LA is my home and I refuse to feel unsafe in my home and I refuse to let police continue terrorizing Black communities.” 

    Shakur is from South Central LA and as a poet, she says she wants to write more about police brutality. “Tupac would be so proud,” to see the support at this memorial, she said of the late rapper whose book and song titled The Rose that Grew From Concrete drew obvious connections to the vigil. “The Rose that Grew From Concrete is so poetic, and this is such a poetic way to resists what’s going on.” 

    After speaking with Shakur, I noticed a young Black man who stopped to see the memorial and then walked across the street to pick a white flower from the rose bushes at the nearby courthouse. He came back and placed it by the signs that celebrated what would’ve been the birthday of Breonna Taylor, a 26-year-old woman gunned down by police in her Louisville home on March 13. “I wanted to pay my respects and show a little love for Breonna,” he told me, adding that he didn’t want to provide his name.  

    Jocelyn Morales, 23, was there with her family and brought flowers to show solidarity and stand in unity with the Black Lives Matter moment. “When I placed the flower down I thought of all the beauty that has risen from people like us.” She also referenced back to the Tupac song and said, “Black and Brown people have battled injustices here in Los Angeles and have grown to be beautiful.” 

    Helen Jones
    Fernanda Echavarri / Mother Jones

    Helen Jones, 55, brought flowers in support of other mothers and families who are grieving. “I’m also a mother of a child that was murdered,” Jones said. “My son was beat to death in 2009 in the men’s central jail and I’ve been trying to file charges against the officers who beat him to death while he was in solitary confinement.”

    Standing at the memorial, Jones was “reminded of the pain I’m going through, and what all these other mothers and family members are going through.” This memorial feels different from other protests she’s attended over the last week, Jones told me. “This time we’re in front of Jackie Lacey‘s office (LA’s District Attorney) who refuses to prosecute any officer no matter the evidence…we’re here letting her see the pain.” 

  • This Is the Most Powerful Video I’ve Taken of the Protests So Far

    Mother Jones/Mark Helenowski

    I’ve filmed a lot of protests this past week. I captured video inside the NYPD-fueled mayhem in Flatbush last weekend. I covered a peaceful twilight demonstration two nights ago where protesters defied curfew. On Twitter, I’ve documented Black Lives Matter protests when I’ve seen them

    But this might be the most powerful video I’ve captured of the protests so far. Here’s a snippet:

    Full video is at the bottom of the page. Scrub around the video—or watch it all the way through. The sheer scale is impressive.

    Thousands of New Yorkers marched in the rain today, which would have been Breonna Taylor’s 27th birthday. At one point, two conductors on a passing J train blared their horns. A roar went up in the crowd. Both conductors stuck their fists out the window.

    The full march took over 12 minutes to wind its way past me. It took so long, in fact, the battery on my phone died near the tail end of the demonstration. In the final seconds, you can just make out the phalanx of police cars that typically trail these protests.

    If you thought the protests would lose steam or wind down, there are many thousands of wet Brooklynites right now arguing against you with their feet. And the weekend is only beginning.

  • “I Refuse to Transport Radical Youth to Jail”: More and More City Bus Drivers Are Done Helping Cops.

    An arrested protestor looks out of a bus at a Brooklyn protest against the police killing of George Floyd on May 29, 2020. (Joel Marklund/Bildbyran via ZUMA)

    Bus drivers around the country are refusing police demands to cart detained protestors to jail—and some now say they’re facing retaliation. On Thursday, after drivers in San Francisco, Minneapolis, New York and Washington, DC, declined to help crack down on protests against the police killing of George Floyd, Chicago Transit Authority (CTA) driver Erek Slater sued his employer in federal court for allegedly quashing a similar effort.

    From our earlier coverage:

    “CTA management shouted insults at me and threatened to fire me on the spot,” he wrote… “They said we couldn’t discuss if it was safe to drive CTA ‘police charters.’ They said we were promoting a wildcat strike…management continued to shout over us as they stated they were calling the police to forcibly disband the meeting.”

    “At least three coworkers from just my bus garage have told me that they refused to drive the police charters—there are likely many more who have similarly refused, overcoming possible threats of ‘behavioral violations’ and loss of pay,” Slater wrote in his Facebook post.

    Chicago drivers are following in the footsteps of transit workers in at least five other cities. In Minneapolis, where Floyd was killed, bus driver Adam Burch organized against a police request for buses to transport demonstrators near the city’s now-torched Third Precinct to jail, banding together drivers in his Amalgamated Transit Union (ATU) local.

    “As a transit worker and union member I refuse to transport my class and radical youth to jail,” Burch wrote in a Facebook post. “An injury to one is an injury to all.”

    In New York, police tried to commandeer an MTA bus passing Barclays Center in Brooklyn. The driver walked:

    In San Francisco, a Muni driver asked to ferry prisoners left the city’s police in the dust:

    According to a Twitter user monitoring San Francisco’s police scanner, the driver ditched the scene after pointing out she wasn’t getting paid—the usual prerequisite for driving a paddy wagon.

    So far, every driver to turn down police orders has been unionized. New York City’s Transport Workers Union (TWU) Local 100 has a little bit of history resisting orders to work with cops: in 2011, when New York bus drivers were also asked to transport Occupy demonstrators, the union went to court for an injunction to keep NYPD from commandeering buses.

    “TWU Local 100 supports the protesters on Wall Street and takes great offense that the mayor and NYPD have ordered operators to transport citizens who were exercising their constitutional right to protest—and shouldn’t have been arrested in the first place,” the union’s president said at the time. (The union lost the case.)

    Tramell Thompson, a New York Subway conductor and Local 100 shop steward, says that drivers today feel the same way they did 10 years ago. He points out that jail and prison buses have seats, restraints, and other safeguards—and still aren’t deployed to active street uprisings.

    “It’s the perspective of 99 percent of the bus operators,” says Thompson, who is Black. “Why would you want to put another city worker in the line of fire? The heavily armed police officers could barely control the protests. What if the operator gets beat up, or crashes? And not to mention—what happens with social distancing?”

    “The officers have guns, they have pepper spray,” he adds. “I don’t think it’s our job to transport a prisoner. If we wanted to be correctional officers, we would have taken that test instead.”

    Transit workers are some of the most vulnerable in any city: an average of four New York City subway workers are killed on the job every year, with more hit by trains but surviving. New York bus drivers develop ulcers so often the condition was once called “driver’s stomach,”a 2007 study found that transit workers are regularly exposed to carcinogens, and physical assaults—some racist—aren’t unusual. “A lack of basic preventive maintenance threatened worker safety” for decades, historian Joshua Freeman writes in In Transit, his history of the union. And, of course, they’ve faced repeated wage freezes and pension cuts. 

    COVID-19 posed yet another challenge. In New York City, several transit workers have already died on the job. (The pandemic has also created massive budget shortfalls for the agency, with ridership at historic lows.) Thompson, the TWU steward, says city agencies with fewer Black workers—like police, fire, and sanitation—got adequate protection first. “Forty-nine percent of the Transit Authority is Black. That percentage is even higher for the titles that actually need the PPE,” Thompson says. “They keep saying we’re heroes. Then why are they more protected when, as a conductor, I come across thousands of people per day?”

    Transit workers have organized against on-the-job racism at least since the 1960s, when the NAACP joined with transit unions to protest racial discrimination. “Thousands of TWU members,” the union wrote in a Black History Month article, joined the 1963 and 1965 marches on Washington, as well as the 1968 Poor People’s March.  In 2005, when New York transit workers went on strike over inferior benefits, risky working conditions, and tougher discipline meted out by city authorities, then-mayor Michael Bloomberg called the union “thuggish,” a dog whistle that infuriated members.

    But workers of color are powerful within transit unions’ rank-and-file, and form a majority of many locals. Organized labor “needs to do more to support the protesters in the streets of America’s cities,” Washington, DC transit union head Raymond Jackson said Tuesday in an interview with In These Times. ATU Local 689, the union for DC’s Metro and bus system, is also refusing to carry detainees. (In 2018, Local 689 refused to transport white nationalists to a Unite the Right Rally.)

    The local, which is majority Black, didn’t mince words in a public statement about the protests:

    ATU Local 689 has moved this region for over 100 years. We fought, through organizing and striking, to transform low-paying transit jobs into careers with wages that you could raise a family on. But even with these good union jobs our members still routinely suffer from systemic racism and law enforcement abuses. We know firsthand that police are often the first people to arrive on the picket line, hours before the press shows up.

    “It’s unforunate—there are [non-union] workers out there that might be penalized, might be retaliated against by their transit agencies,” said TWU Political Action Director Regina Eberhart. “We sound alarms whether you are union or not. Your protection comes first. We haven’t tiptoed around or been shy about the decisions members need to make to protect themselves.”

    Action that started with the rank-and-file is beginning to trickle up. In Boston, the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority (MBTA) just announced that it won’t help detain protestors or move police to rallies. Brian Lang, an MBTA board member, told WHDH in Boston that “we are not going to have the T used in any way, shape or form to inhibit people from expressing themselves.”

    In Minneapolis, public schools and the university system—two other strong public-sector unions—have already cut or reduced relationships with police. Are transit agencies next?

  • Chicago PD Made Bus Drivers Ferry Them to Protests. One Driver Is Suing His Bosses to Fight It.

    Amid protests over the Minneapolis Police Department’s killing of George Floyd, Chicago Transit Authority (CTA) bus driver Erek Slater, a 14-year veteran of the city’s transit system, is filing a federal lawsuit against his employer—for allegedly cracking down on a rank-and-file effort to resist driving Chicago police.

    Days of rallies and sit-ins across the city have been accompanied by incident after incident of police violence: officers covering badges before attacking protestors, an apparently unprovoked assault on a Black woman in her car, and a baton attack on the president of the city’s Police Board.  Slater, who is also a shop steward and board member for Amalgamated Transit Union (ATU) Local 241, wrote on Facebook that many drivers don’t want to assist police by ferrying officers to those protests.

    Some drivers, he wrote in a public Facebook post, were trying to discuss safety and ethical concerns about those assignments when management angrily broke up the meeting. He describes the alleged confrontation in a lengthy Facebook post:

    I was confronted by management and police in the workers break area. The breakroom was cleared of workers, and CPD apparently called for backup. I went out to the parking lot to address my coworkers and ask them what they think we should do. As workers were discussing the matter, a CPD officer intervened to threaten me with arrest if I did not leave.

    “CTA management shouted insults at me and threatened to fire me on the spot,” he wrote in the same post. “They said we couldn’t discuss if it was safe to drive CTA ‘police charters.’ They said we were promoting a wildcat strike…management continued to shout over us as they stated they were calling the police to forcibly disband the meeting.”

    Chicago police have already been using city buses to transport officers—but union resistance to similar efforts is mounting. Local 241 is ATU’s second largest—Chicago’s bus system ranks third in the nation for ridership, and whatever actions it takes will set an important precedent.

    “At least three coworkers from just my bus garage have told me that they refused to drive the police charters—there are likely many more who have similarly refused, overcoming possible threats of ‘behavioral violations’ and loss of pay,” Slater wrote in his Facebook post.

    The union has won a past legal victory against the CTA for alleged crackdowns on political speech. A copy of the federal complaint against the agency is attached to Slater’s Facebook post; he plans to hold a press conference at Chicago’s Dirksen Federal Building on Monday. Mother Jones has contacted Slater for comment.

  • Reddit Executive Chairman Resigns From the Site’s Board, Posts Cringe

    Clive Brunskill/Getty Images

    On Friday, Alexis Ohanian, one of Reddit’s co-founders, said that he’s stepping down from the site’s board because it is “the right thing.” He wants the company to appoint a Black board member in his place.

    “It is long overdue” Ohanian said. “I’m doing this for me, for my family, and for my country. I’m writing this as a father who needs to be able to answer his black daughter when she asks: ‘What did you do?’”

    He also committed to giving $1 million to Colin Kaepernick’s Know Your Rights Camp as well as donating “future gains” in his Reddit stock “to serve the black community, chiefly to curb racial hate.”

    Ohanian’s quest for absolution is vague. He doesn’t specify the source of whatever guilt he is expiating here, nor any specific injustice that he contributed to that might explain what his departure is fixing. We’re left to guess.

    There at least a few things that have gone wrong in Ohanian’s time that he might be feeling bad about:

    One of his biggest missteps was his failure to do anything as his platform became an incubator for some of the most toxic, extreme communities online. During Gamergate, Ohanian, et al., more or less stood by as their platform became an organizing tool for vicious right-wing trolls who were aggressively harassing women in the gaming industry under the ridiculous guise of caring about “ethics in gaming journalism.”

    Gamergate is often cited as a turning point in the internet culture wars, a moment when it became clear that the warped trolls weren’t just posting for the “lulz”—they were actually sexist and racist bigots who were eager to terrorize people. To this day, the “almost-official GamerGate subreddit” sits unbanned on Reddit, despite having been a hub for the movement.

    Ohanian and Reddit were also slow to address other virulent communities of hate on the platform. The site and platform eventually did take action on some of the worst communities, banning subreddits like r/CringeAnarchy, which spread depressingly gross, incendiary content in the aftermath of the New Zealand Christchurch shooting.

    He and the company also stood idly by as r/The_Donald, a subreddit featuring Trump’s most toxic supporters online, grew into a massive community. Reddit eventually “quarantined” it, the platform’s term for isolating problematic communities and making it harder to access them.

    Ohanian’s move is especially bizarre in that he doesn’t seem to have secured anything tangible from the Reddit board. There doesn’t seem to be any guarantee that the company will do as he urges and hire a “black candidate,” nor is there any demand on his part that the Black hire be committed to any particular vision of racial justice. Black representation alone is not a guarantee of making meaningful strides to racial equity. At least he went out in the most Reddit way possible—with a weird post that leaves you feeling faintly embarrassed for having read it.

  • Here’s What Gig Companies Say They’ll Do If You Get Arrested for Delivering Past Curfew

    A video of a Caviar delivery person being arrested for violating curfew, as the man yelled that he is an essential worker, prompted a swift backlash on Thursday night. Even Mayor Bill DeBlasio, who has seemed ready to lick the boot of the cops kettling, beating, and harassing protestors, called out the arrest.

    Afterward, Caviar told the Verge it was “prepared to provide support.” But what does that actually mean?

    As Buzzfeed News reported, delivery workers for gig companies are deemed essential workers, able to operate past curfews imposed by local authorities, on a city by city basis. The apps are coordinating to figure out how to handle that in each case says Buzzfeed. But across the board—as I’ve written about many times before—gig companies don’t consider drivers to be employees, and that means they take little responsibility for protecting them.

    So, I asked Grubhub, Doordash (which owns Caviar), and Uber what their policies are for those working past curfew. 

    Doordash sent the template response about “support” that I mentioned above. On followup, I asked specifically: Are you offering hazard pay for delivering during curfew? Are you going to pay for legal fees if someone is detained? And, generally, what is the “support” that would be given?

    “At this time, we’ve reached out to the individual to learn more about what transpired and what we can do to help,” a spokesperson said. “I will keep you updated as I learn more.”

    Uber said the company had called the New York police and DeBlasio’s office “to ask that all police officers be reminded that delivering food has been deemed an essential service and that all Uber Eats delivery workers are exempt from the curfew.” It also said that the company would “offer legal support to Eats delivery people if they are wrongly arrested for violating the curfew while delivering on the app and aggressively petition City Hall and the NYPD on their behalf.” The company has a hotline for drivers to call and has been updating workers through the app they can use it to report problems. But, no mention of hazard pay.

    Grubhub did not respond to a request to comment.

  • Buffalo Cops Resign in Protest After 2 Officers Were Suspended for Shoving Elderly Man

    In Denver, a protester holds an American flag upside down. David Zalubowski/AP

    Last night, a graphic video of Buffalo, New York, cops shoving a 75-year-old peace activist to the ground went viral—revealing that he did not, in fact, trip and fall, as the department had initially claimed. The activist, Martin Gugino, could be seen bleeding in the video and had to be hospitalized.

    Soon after, the officers were suspended without pay.

    Then, today, this happened:

    To be clear, these 57 officers didn’t quit the force. But they are refusing to participate in the unit that performs crowd control. As the Buffalo News reported, a police union official said the suspended officers were “simply following orders.” The mass resignation was a sign of solidarity for the people who, again, pushed a 75 year-old peace activist to the ground for violating curfew. “They were simply doing their job,” the union official continued. “I don’t know how much contact was made. He did slip in my estimation. He fell backwards.”

    Sort of sounds like this isn’t just a case of “a few bad cops,” but instead a systematic problem of police causing violence and refusing to be held accountable for their actions.